{"id":25069,"date":"2026-09-12T06:54:14","date_gmt":"2026-09-12T01:09:14","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/eng.dragonmedia.com.np\/?p=25069"},"modified":"2026-09-12T06:54:14","modified_gmt":"2026-09-12T01:09:14","slug":"brics-new-delhi-message-nepal-can-no-longer-remain-a-spectator","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/eng.dragonmedia.com.np\/?p=25069","title":{"rendered":"BRICS\u2019 New Delhi Message: Nepal Can No Longer Remain a Spectator<\/strong>"},"content":{"rendered":"

Editorial<\/strong><\/p>\n

The 18th BRICS Summit in New Delhi is not merely an annual gathering of major economies. It is a clear indication of a changing international order. With China, India, Russia, Brazil, South Africa and an expanded group of members and partners, BRICS is gaining greater influence in global trade, energy, technology, finance, supply chains and the political representation of the Global South. For Nepal, treating this transformation as something to observe from the sidelines would be a serious strategic mistake.<\/p>\n

Nepal\u2019s two immediate neighbours, China and India, are central BRICS powers. Nepal also maintains long-standing friendly relations with Russia, while its economic, diplomatic, labour and trade relations with other BRICS countries continue to expand. BRICS therefore cannot be regarded as a distant geopolitical structure. It has the potential to affect Nepal\u2019s economic future, development financing, technological access, energy markets and broader concepts of regional security.<\/p>\n

The most important message emerging from New Delhi is the practical expansion of multipolarity. Multipolarity should not simply be understood as opposition to a particular centre of power. Its real meaning is the creation of greater economic and diplomatic choices. The ability of smaller and medium-sized countries to decide where to obtain financing, where to sell energy, which technologies to acquire, which currencies to use in trade and which development structures to engage with represents the practical meaning of a multipolar international system.<\/p>\n

Nepal must connect this changing environment with its own national interests. One of the country\u2019s long-standing weaknesses has been a reactive approach to foreign policy. Nepal often responds only after a major power becomes active, debates projects only after they have arrived and rediscovers national interests only after controversy has emerged. Such an approach cannot produce a durable national strategy. As BRICS expands its reach, Nepal needs a clear policy before opportunities and challenges arrive at its doorstep.<\/p>\n

The first priority should be to establish a structured institutional dialogue with BRICS. Whether immediate full membership is feasible is less important than defining Nepal\u2019s long-term objective. Kathmandu should systematically examine possible participation through partnership arrangements, dialogue mechanisms, development institutions and sector-specific cooperation. If deeper engagement proves consistent with Nepal\u2019s national interests, a gradual strategy toward eventual full membership should remain an option.<\/p>\n

Development finance should be the second priority. Nepal requires substantial investment in infrastructure, energy, digital connectivity, climate adaptation, health, tourism and productive industries. Maintaining relations with traditional development partners while expanding access to institutions such as the New Development Bank would be a pragmatic course. Alternative financing does not mean abandoning existing partnerships. It means expanding Nepal\u2019s choices according to its own development requirements.<\/p>\n

Energy should form the third strategic pillar. Nepal possesses enormous hydropower potential. India is its nearest major electricity market, while China is an important source of technology, infrastructure and energy equipment. Other BRICS economies are also investing heavily in energy security and the green transition. Nepal should therefore move beyond viewing hydropower simply as a bilateral export commodity and begin positioning it within a broader regional green-energy framework.<\/p>\n

The fourth and perhaps most urgent area is Himalayan disaster security. Recent floods and landslides have demonstrated Nepal\u2019s need for stronger early-warning systems, satellite information, weather forecasting, glacial monitoring, rescue technologies and forensic capabilities. China, India and Russia possess significant scientific and technological capacities in many of these fields. Nepal could develop \u201cHimalayan Disaster Security\u201d as a distinctive regional initiative for engagement with BRICS countries.<\/p>\n

Any future relationship between Nepal and BRICS must not be framed as a political choice against another power or bloc. Nepal can deepen cooperation with BRICS while maintaining constructive relations with Western countries, the United Nations, the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank and other development partners. Modern non-alignment should not mean passivity. It should mean maintaining productive relations with multiple centres of power while protecting national autonomy and interests.<\/p>\n

The high-level presence of China, India and Russia in New Delhi reflects a larger strategic reality. Asia is steadily becoming more central to global politics and economics, and Nepal sits directly within this geography. Geography alone, however, does not create opportunity. Opportunity emerges only when geography is supported by clear policy, capable institutions and long-term strategic vision.<\/p>\n

Nepal should therefore begin treating BRICS not simply as international news, but as a subject of national strategy. Diplomatic dialogue should be initiated. The foreign affairs, finance, energy, science, technology and security institutions should conduct coordinated assessments. Parliament, universities, think tanks and the broader foreign-policy community should begin a serious national discussion about where Nepal fits within the emerging architecture.<\/p>\n

The international order is changing. Nepal cannot afford to wait until that transformation is complete before deciding where it stands. It must identify its interests, expand its options and prepare its institutions in advance.<\/p>\n

That is the most important message New Delhi sends to Kathmandu.<\/p>\n

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