{"id":25101,"date":"2026-09-12T12:26:41","date_gmt":"2026-09-12T06:41:41","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/eng.dragonmedia.com.np\/?p=25101"},"modified":"2026-09-12T12:26:41","modified_gmt":"2026-09-12T06:41:41","slug":"russia-on-the-new-delhi-brics-horizon-putins-presence-and-the-strategic-message-of-a-multipolar-balance-of-power","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/eng.dragonmedia.com.np\/?p=25101","title":{"rendered":"Russia on the New Delhi BRICS Horizon: Putin\u2019s Presence and the Strategic Message of a Multipolar Balance of Power<\/strong>"},"content":{"rendered":"

Pravdist (\u041f\u0440\u0430\u0432\u0434\u0438\u0441\u0442)
\nInternational Security and Strategic Affairs Analyst<\/strong><\/p>\n

The 18th BRICS Summit in New Delhi is not merely another multilateral gathering. At a time when the international balance of power, economic structures and the global security environment are changing rapidly, the summit is directly connected to the future direction of the world order. In this context, Russian President Vladimir Putin\u2019s visit to India and his participation in the BRICS Summit carry particular strategic significance. His presence in New Delhi sends a message far beyond Russia-India relations, reflecting Moscow\u2019s commitment to BRICS, its expanding engagement with the Global South and its long-term vision of a multipolar international system.<\/p>\n

In recent years, Russia has faced unprecedented economic, financial and technological sanctions. Western countries also sought to isolate Moscow diplomatically and economically. Russia responded not by narrowing its international engagement, but by expanding the geography of its economic and diplomatic relations. Its activity increased across Asia, the Middle East, Africa and Latin America. Energy trade with China and India expanded, while the search for alternative financial and trade mechanisms accelerated. BRICS has emerged as one of the most important institutional foundations of this broader realignment.<\/p>\n

Putin\u2019s New Delhi visit therefore highlights an important reality. Russia has not disappeared from the international system. Instead, it is redefining the foundations of its foreign policy and economic relations. As ties with the West weakened, Moscow strengthened strategic relations with non-Western centres of power. This shift is not simply a temporary response to sanctions. Russia is pursuing a longer-term effort to diversify its economic, financial and diplomatic dependencies, and BRICS has become one of its most influential multilateral platforms.<\/p>\n

For Russia, BRICS is not merely a commercial grouping of emerging economies. Moscow increasingly views it as an instrument for rebalancing power and representation in global governance. The post-Second World War international economic system was shaped heavily by Western financial institutions, the dominance of the U.S. dollar, technological advantages and political influence. That structure remains powerful, but the growing weight of China, India, Russia, Brazil, the Gulf region, Southeast Asia and other emerging economies is steadily making the global economy more multi-centred. BRICS seeks to give institutional form to that transformation.<\/p>\n

Russia\u2019s concept of multipolarity should be understood in the same context. It does not necessarily mean replacing one dominant power with another. The core idea is to ensure that multiple centres of power have meaningful influence over international decision-making. The United States, Europe, China, India, Russia, Africa and Latin America should all be able to shape global governance according to their national and regional interests. From Moscow\u2019s perspective, BRICS is one of the most important political and economic experiments moving in that direction.<\/p>\n

Russia\u2019s economic realignment after Western sanctions has further increased the importance of BRICS. Moscow was forced to reconsider the structure of its energy exports, payment systems, supply chains, technology imports and access to foreign capital. China and India subsequently became even more important partners in Russian energy trade. The use of local currencies expanded, alternative financial arrangements were explored and engagement with non-Western banking networks increased. The process is not without difficulty. New supply chains are costly, financial transactions can become more complex and technological restrictions continue to create pressure. Yet these challenges have also encouraged Russia to reduce excessive dependence on a single economic system.<\/p>\n

Against this background, India represents another major dimension of Putin\u2019s presence in New Delhi. Russia-India relations are not based solely on Cold War history. They extend across defence, energy, nuclear cooperation, space, science, technology and trade, and they retain considerable strategic value. India deepens ties with the United States, participates in the Quad and attracts Western investment, while at the same time preserving defence and energy relations with Russia, engaging China through BRICS and the SCO, and presenting itself as a voice of the Global South. This multidirectional diplomacy is central to India\u2019s concept of strategic autonomy.<\/p>\n

For Russia, India\u2019s independent position is valuable. Moscow does not want India to be forced into a binary choice between Russia and the West. The emergence of India as an autonomous centre of power fits naturally with the Russian vision of a multipolar world. Putin\u2019s dialogue with Prime Minister Narendra Modi therefore carries significance beyond bilateral trade. It demonstrates that two countries can maintain different international relationships while preserving a long-term strategic partnership. This gives Russia-India relations an important balancing role within BRICS itself.<\/p>\n

The most complex but potentially consequential structure within BRICS is the China-India-Russia triangle. China is a major economic and industrial power. India is a rapidly expanding demographic, technological and economic force. Russia possesses vast territory, major energy resources, nuclear capabilities, military technology and strategic influence. These three powers do not share identical interests. China and India face border and strategic competition. Russia\u2019s relationship with China has deepened considerably, while India continues to expand security and economic cooperation with the West. Yet this diversity is not necessarily a weakness. It is the real test of BRICS.<\/p>\n

If BRICS consisted only of countries with identical political views, its strategic importance would be limited. Its real value lies in whether major powers with different national interests can still cooperate on shared priorities. Russia\u2019s close relations with both China and India may therefore serve as an important balancing element within the grouping. Moscow\u2019s long-term interest is not permanent confrontation between Beijing and New Delhi, but dialogue, management of differences and continued cooperation. The political presence of Xi Jinping, Narendra Modi and Vladimir Putin in New Delhi gives this strategic triangle particular global importance.<\/p>\n

Financial sovereignty is another issue Russia has consistently emphasised within BRICS. The experience of sanctions demonstrated that foreign currency reserves, international payments and access to financial systems can be affected by political decisions. This has intensified discussion about trade in local currencies, alternative payment systems and direct links between financial institutions of BRICS members. It would be exaggerated to describe this as the imminent end of the dollar. The U.S. dollar remains the central currency of global finance. Russia\u2019s strategic objective is therefore less about immediate replacement and more about creating alternatives.<\/p>\n

If BRICS members can conduct a larger share of their trade without depending continuously on the currency or financial infrastructure of a third country, their economic sovereignty will increase. This is also why the New Development Bank remains important. If it can provide developing countries with more financing options for infrastructure, electricity, hydropower, digital networks, climate adaptation and industrial development, BRICS can translate political influence into direct economic benefit. Its long-term credibility will be determined by such institutional outcomes rather than declarations alone.<\/p>\n

Energy is another field in which Russia possesses substantial strategic weight. It remains a major global power in oil, natural gas, coal, nuclear technology and other energy resources. The global energy market is under pressure from Middle Eastern tensions, supply risks, sanctions and the broader energy transition. In this environment, long-term supply, price stability and alternative transport routes have become strategic issues. Russia is expanding energy relations with China and India, while the Northern Sea Route, Arctic resources and new infrastructure directed toward Asian markets may gradually reshape the economic geography of Eurasia.<\/p>\n

BRICS has an additional advantage in energy cooperation because it brings major producers and major consumers into the same framework. That combination is not easily replicated in many other international institutions. If energy cooperation becomes more systematic, BRICS could strengthen its role in long-term supply security, infrastructure development and price stability.<\/p>\n

Russia\u2019s concept of security has also expanded beyond traditional military definitions. Energy, food, cyber systems, finance, technology, supply chains, terrorism and information security are increasingly treated as components of national security. BRICS therefore has room to deepen cooperation in cyber security, counterterrorism, organised crime, energy security, biological security and disaster management. Yet transforming BRICS into a military alliance would not necessarily strengthen it. Its value does not lie in becoming a counterpart to NATO. Its strength lies in providing countries with different security perspectives a platform for dialogue, coordination and confidence-building.<\/p>\n

Putin\u2019s New Delhi visit should therefore be understood on several levels. First, Russia continues to treat its strategic relationship with India as a long-term priority. Second, BRICS has become one of the central multilateral structures in Moscow\u2019s foreign policy. Third, Putin\u2019s participation demonstrates that Russia remains internationally active despite Western sanctions. Fourth, Moscow is continuing its strategy of deepening relations with China while preserving an independent strategic partnership with India. Fifth, Russia\u2019s effort to build alternatives in energy, finance, trade and diplomacy is increasingly taking on a multilateral form.<\/p>\n

Prime Minister Modi\u2019s presentation to Putin of a Russian-language edition of the ancient Indian classic \u201cTirukkural\u201d also symbolises the cultural dimension of the broader relationship. Strategic partnerships are not sustained by defence agreements, energy trade or political declarations alone. History, culture, education and people-to-people ties give long-term relations a deeper social foundation. This cultural dimension has helped provide continuity to India-Russia relations through major changes in the international system.<\/p>\n

Russia is also searching for a stronger place within the Global South. Moscow has expanded its engagement across Africa, West Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia and Latin America. Many developing countries do not want to sever relations with the West. Nor do they necessarily want to align permanently with either Russia or China. Their principal demand is strategic choice. They want the freedom to decide where to buy energy, where to seek financing, from whom to acquire defence equipment, which currency to use in trade and with which powers to maintain political relations.<\/p>\n

Russia increasingly appears to understand this psychology. If Moscow bases its Global South policy more on economic benefit, energy security, technological cooperation and respect for sovereign decision-making than on ideological polarisation, its influence within BRICS could become more durable. That is also part of the broader appeal of BRICS. It does not require its members to follow a single political line. Instead, it seeks areas of practical cooperation among countries with diverse national interests.<\/p>\n

Ultimately, the success of BRICS will not be determined by declarations but by structural achievements. The key questions are whether trade becomes easier, financial options expand, the New Development Bank becomes more effective, technology cooperation deepens and political dialogue survives despite strategic disagreements. Russia is a central actor in this process, which is why Putin\u2019s presence in New Delhi carries significance far beyond a routine presidential visit.<\/p>\n

The world today is neither fully unipolar nor fully multipolar. It is in transition. Existing power structures remain influential, but new economic and political centres are rising rapidly. BRICS is attempting to define its role within this transition, while Russia views the grouping not as a temporary geopolitical reaction but as part of a long-term institutional architecture for a changing balance of power.<\/p>\n

The central strategic message of Putin\u2019s presence in New Delhi is therefore clear. A multipolar world cannot be built through declarations alone. It requires practical structures in trade, finance, energy, technology, security and diplomacy. If BRICS succeeds in building those structures, its influence in world politics will continue to grow.<\/p>\n

In that case, the 18th BRICS Summit in New Delhi may eventually be remembered not simply as another annual gathering, but as an important stage in the gradual emergence of alternative centres of power, development and international cooperation.<\/p>\n

\n\t\t\t
\n\t\t\t <\/div><\/div>\n\t\t